(This is adapted from my “Road to Independence” first written for our 50th independence anniversary)

The political crisis we are facing could have been avoided if our current crop of members of parliament bothered to research our parliamentary history to appreciate the tremendous work of our forefathers and framers of our Constitution, people with incredible foresight and love for our people, members of parliament and political leaders who wanted nothing but what is best for our country.

Below is a brief look at some aspects of the political, social, and economic climate that existed in the decade leading up to our Independence.

For our tiny nation of less than 100,000 people in 1961, the road to independence wasn't coated with blood, as was the experience of countries in Central and Western Africa like Kenya, Congo, Sierra Leone, Nigeria, and Ghana or Asian countries like India, Pakistan, and Indonesia.

Many observers were astonished by the trouble-free path Samoa had followed in the two decades leading to independence. They found the answer in our traditions and culture, and the respect and dignity with which we conduct our political affairs as was clear from some congratulatory messages:

"It has been an inspiration in this troubled world to see the Samoan people take over responsibility for their future in an orderly and calm manner. " Queen Elizabeth II.

"[T]he Samoan peoples are taking up the burden of self-government with dignity and confidence, just in the same way as they have for their goal of independence during the past few years. This is what has distinguished Samoa from most of the countries which have lately achieved independence. Outside observers have been astonished at the absence of noisy demonstrations, of bitter internal factions, of violence and hatred. Those who know Samoa are not surprised - the tradition of courtesy, dignity, and reasonableness are too far ingrained in Samoan society to be lightly abandoned." Hon. L Gotz, New Zealand Minister of Island Territories.

But our path to independence wasn't all that smooth either. Some issues had to be dealt with like our economy spiralling downward because of the decline in the price of cocoa, copra, and coffee which were our main exports. This caused uncertainty among some businesspeople including some Samoans in rural areas who own large plantations.

There was also doubt among the privileged locals who resided around Apia who were often referred to as local Europeans (Europeans and part-Europeans). They had enjoyed a socio-economic status that had accorded them many privileges and were fearful that they would lose them.

For six decades following independence, except for a couple of years in the early eighties, Samoa’s economy was one of the more prosperous in our region and one of the most politically stable democracies in the developing world. Much of that was owed to the self-belief, courage, foresight, and perseverance of those who steered us toward independence.

People of my generation from outlying villages in Upolu and Savai'i who were fortunate to have received an education in Apia, believed at that time there were two Samoas: Apia and the rest of the country. To most of us. Apia was the centre of the universe. It was where the best primary and our 3 secondary schools were. It had electricity, telephone, tar-sealed roads, vehicles, and big shops. It was where you go if you want to work for the government. It was in Apia and its surroundings where all the wealthy people, expats and local Europeans resided. To some, it was a privilege to be associated with them. Some even changed their surnames from Samoan to European as evident in 1956 when 600 Samoans took on European surnames while only 80 with European names changed to Samoan. There were many reasons for this, but one was to enable their children to attend school in town which were the preserve of those with European names.

Many of the laws too, borrowed mainly from New Zealand, met the needs of this group. To the New Zealand Administration at the time, Apia was Samoa. Policy decisions were based on the advice of those living in Apia, most of whom were expatriates and local Europeans.

Compared to the Germans who saw a huge economic potential for Samoa in the export of copra and cocoa, and went about developing plantations and overseas markets, New Zealand when it took over Samoa confined itself to administering the trust territory under its mandate from the League of Nations. It wasn't until 1945 that New Zealand appeared to take its ‘'Administrator of Samoa’ role seriously because the United Nations Trusteeship Council required it to report annually on Samoa's progress.

Samoa faced many challenges in the decade preceding independence. Some were vigorously debated. Citizenship was one of them. Local Europeans and part-Europeans who held NZ or other countries' citizenship were worried that Samoa becoming an independent nation would void them. Another was the question of who should vote in general elections: matais only or universal suffrage? It was a question that concerned the United Nations too, as it had made universal suffrage a condition for granting independence to all newly independent nations, many of whom were in Africa. Below is a sample of comments made by member countries when Samoa's case for independence came before the United Nation's Trusteeship Council:

Haiti: "Universal suffrage must be adopted without delay."

Syria: "[We] regret that Europeans can all vote while Samoans, only Matais can vote." Guatemala: "[We] call for a plebiscite [to decide the issue] by secret ballot."

China: "[That] Council defer to the wishes of Samoa for matai suffrage to be retained and for universal suffrage to be adopted when acceptable to the Samoan people."  

USSR: "[We are] concerned about the imbalance of representation in Parliament - 5 Europeans representing 5,000 people while 41 Samoans representing 92,000."

India: "[We] see merit in the matai suffrage and hope that Samoa would sooner or later accept universal suffrage."

Another challenge still was what type of government Samoa should have. Should it be modelled on the American or British system of government? It was finally decided to adopt the British (Westminster) system with some slight modifications.

Samoa, becoming an independent nation, was not supported by all our people as shown by the results of the Plebiscite held on 9 May 1961. It firstly asked voters whether they agreed with the Constitution adopted by the Constitutional Convention on 28 October 1960, and, secondly, whether they agreed that on 1 January 1962, Western Samoa should become an independent State. 83% said yes and 13% said no to the first question with 4% declared informal. For the second question, 79% said yes, 13% said no with 8% declared informal. It wasn't surprising therefore that most of the no votes came from booths in the Apia area (Courthouse, Mulivai and Hospital). The surprise was that over 90% of Lotofagā, Safata voters, and 30% of Vaisala. Savai’i, voters said no to both questions.

From 1956-1959, Samoa was governed by an Executive Council constituted of four (4) Samoan and two (2) European (Palagi) members of the Legislative Assembly, and the Heads of Departments plus Treasury and the Attorney-General, all of whom were Europeans. It was led by the New Zealand High Commissioner and the two Fautuas.

In 1957, the Executive Council adopted the Cabinet model and elected Luafatasaga Kalapu as its first Speaker. Mr Eugene Paul was elected ahead of Fiame Mata'afa F.M II and Tualaulelei Mauri as Leader of Government Business. It wasn't until October 1, 1959, that Samoa elected its first Prime Minister in Fiame Mata'afa Mulinu’ū II. There was concern, however, among some members who had previously supported Mr Paul that Fiame who had only entered politics a few years earlier, did not have the experience or business background to effectively lead the country. Some members had also considered him, at 38 years old, too young.

Throughout, there was quiet concern about the role of the Tama-a-Aiga in the government setup. But with Tupua Tamasese and Malietoa Tanumafili already established as Joint Heads of State, the election of Fiame as Prime Minister mostly solved that problem.

The Prime Minister had decided to enter politics under his Fiamē title rather than the Tama-a- Aiga Mata’afa title. He believed he could better contribute by being part of the Legislative Assembly and is reported to have said in one of his speeches:

“I belong to the Legislative Assembly. I am an instrument of this Nation.”

Fiamē’s leadership, together with his genuine concern for our people and ability to bring together and unite groups holding different opinions was instrumental in our nation’s smooth transition from trust territory to an independent, sovereign state, especially in the last two and a half years

Sadly today, when we look at the behaviour of some of our members of parliament, from the Speaker down; when we hear their unparliamentary language, we cannot help but conclude that they do not belong nor deserve to be in parliament. Instead of being ‘instruments of this Nation,’ they are instruments of their party and political leader hell-bent on destroying it.

(The Samoa Observer and I owe Afioga Fe'esago Siaosi Fepulea'i, friend and mentor, former Chairman of the Public Service Commission, Diplomat, Clerk of the Legislative Assembly for 20 years, and Electoral Commissioner, a huge debt of gratitude for his willingness to share his insight, wealth of knowledge and personal papers about events that took place, leading up to our independence. He’s a living national treasure.)